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Freedom of expression in The Gambia: a quiet transition from the doldrums of notoriety to the doorsteps of celebrity

As the Gambia goes to the polls on December 4, 2021, the MFWA’s Senior Programme Officer for Freedom of Expression, Muheeb Saeed, throws light on the remarkable progress that the country has made in the freedom of expression space over the past five post-Yahyah Jammeh years.

For his personal involvement in, and endorsement of numerous outrages perpetrated against journalists, activists and outspoken opponents of his brutal regime, Yahya Jammeh was crowned West Africa’s King of Impunity by the MFWA in 2014.

Among Jammeh’s star victims was Deyda Hydara, editor of The Point newspaper and outspoken critic, who was shot and killed on December 16, 2004. Another emblematic victim was Chief Manneh, a journalist with the Daily Observer newspaper. Manneh was arrested and detained by then National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and eventually disappeared. Musa Saidykhan, editor-in-chief of the Independent newspaper, now defunct, was arrested and severely tortured in detention. The three became the dismal trademarks of Jammeh’s brutal crackdown on the media. Threats could not be taken lightly, and so several journalists fled the country after receiving death threats.

President Yahya Jammeh kept the justice system under his thumb and manipulated a largely partisan legislature to enact a raft of repressive legislation aimed at stifling dissent. In 2013, for instance, the National Assembly amended the Criminal Code to increase the penalty for “giving false information to public servants” (Section 114). The Prison term for breaches was increased from six months to up to five years.

 

President Yahya Jammeh kept the justice system under his thumb and manipulated a largely partisan legislature

 

In July 2001 the Gambian Parliament passed the highly-controversial and liberticidal National Media Commission Act. Among other ludicrous provisions, the Act imposed annual licensing on journalists, with the Commission clothed with discretionary powers to renew or refuse applications from journalists and media houses. The Commission was also granted the power to force journalists to reveal their sources. Curiously, all these new regulations were not to apply to the government-owned or controlled media. Driving the final nail into the press freedom coffin was a provision insulating all decisions of the Commission from being contested in court.

In a country where the average salary currently stands at Dalasi 16,000 (about US$310), Parliament in July 2013, passed the Information and Communication (Amendment) Act which imposed a fine of US$74,690 for spreading false news. The law was perceived to be aimed at stifling dissenting opinions and especially targeted at journalists, bloggers, human rights activists and critical citizens.

New Dawn

In December 2016, Jammeh was voted out and forced into exile, ending 22 years of one of Africa’s most brutal dictatorships. Four years after his exit, a new era is emerging. From the notoriety of being among the countries with the worst freedom of expression (FOE) environment in West Africa, The Gambia is gradually shedding that unenviable image, and fast establishing itself among the superstars of the sub-region.

Since the news administration took over, The Gambia has been making impressive strides on the political and freedom of expression (FOE) fronts that have seen it competing favourably with Ghana and Senegal, two of the region’s shining lights in democracy and press freedom. The Afrobarometer Report 2021 affirms that “An overwhelming majority of Gambians say the media is in fact free to do its work without government interference.”

The Media Foundation for West Africa’s (MFWA) monitoring recorded a total of five violations in 2017, a significant improvement over the 13 violations bequeathed by the Jammeh regime in its final year. With only four violations, 2019 was the least repressive of the past four years under President Adama Barrow’s stewardship.

The country in 2018 recorded eight violations, the country’s worst record since Jammeh’s departure. The total number of violations recorded in The Gambia over the past four years, therefore comes to 25, same as Senegal’s for that period, and much better than that of Ghana which stands at 79 violations over the same space of time. Additionally, violations recorded in The Gambia in the three worst years of the Barrow regime – 2017 (five) 2018 (eight) and 2020 (eight) – stand at 21, same as Ghana’s total for 2020 alone.

The Gambia ended the first quarter of 2020 (January-March)  with 7 violations and recorded a single violation in the second quarter (April-June, 2020), eventually rounding up the year with eight violations, having remarkably gone incident-free during the entire second half of the year.

What is even more significant, the single violation recorded on June 21, 2020, stood for ten months – that is until April 19, 2021. In that incident, the police detained Ebou N. Keita, an editor and camera operator with the privately-owned Gambian Talents Television. The journalist was covering a protest against COVID-19 restrictions when the security officers arrested him for filming their operations.

On April 19, 2021, a group of prison wardens manhandled Yankuba Jallow of the Foroyaa newspaper at a court premises in Banjul after he refused an order to surrender his phone. He had been accosted for filming a group of remand prisoners after court proceedings. The ten months’ interval is the longest respite and a remarkable milestone in a country where press freedom violations was a daily nightmare for journalists during the Jammeh era.

President Adama Barrow’s four-year-old regime is putting The Gambia through effective press freedom rehabilitation with encouraging results so far. It is carrying out reforms to the legal frameworks to guarantee freedom of expression and access to information. The attitude of government officials and security agents towards the media and public criticism has greatly improved. For example, following the last incident mentioned above, the director of prisons met the aggrieved journalist and rendered an apology.  Under Jammeh’s rule, the journalist would not have dared defy a security officer’s orders, albeit unlawful, to surrender his phone. Such resistance would have been judged foolhardy and would most probably have attracted a few hefty slaps, kicks and/or detention.

The notorious National Intelligence Agency (NIA), Yahya Jammeh’s pet instrument of repression, has been renamed State Intelligence Service and stripped of its extensive powers of coercion. Additionally, several former NIA officials have been arrested and are facing trial for their roles in human rights abuses, including press freedom violations, and media houses arbitrarily shut down by the previous government have been reopened.

In June 2018, the Adama Barrow-led government paid some compensations to the families of the Ebrimah Manneh and Deyda Hydara, who, together with Musa Saidykhan, became the symbols of former President Yahya Jammeh’s brutal crackdown on critical journalists. The deal was struck through the mediation of the MFWA and its national partner organisation, the Gambia Press Union (GPU), with support from IFEX.

The facilitation role played by the MFWA and GPU was part of engagements with the Gambian government to support and strengthen the Gambian media sector to contribute effectively to the democratic transition processes in the country after the fall of Jammeh.

The MFWA and its partner organisation, the Gambia Press Union, are proud to have contributed to the remarkable improvement in press freedom in The Gambia.

Media Law Reforms

On July 1, 2021, Gambia’s National Assembly approved the Access to Information Bill 2021 in a major milestone in the country’s march towards genuine democracy in the post-Yahyah Jammeh era. President Adama Barrow subsequently signed the bill into law in August to give Gambians, for the first time in the country’s history, the legal right to demand public information. The adoption of the law crowned five years of advocacy and stakeholder engagements and was hailed as a major boost for fact-based and investigative journalism.

On May 9, 2018, the Gambian Supreme Court’s declared as unconstitutional the country’s law on criminal defamation. The ruling followed an April 2017 civil suit filed by the MFWA’s national partner organisation, Gambia Press Union (GPU). With regard to sedition, the Court said that sedition could be established if the alleged defamatory material targets the person of the complainant. However, it said there is no sedition when the target is the government as an institution.

The improved press freedom environment has encouraged the proliferation of private broadcasters and online media outlets with media pluralism on full display.

Lingering Concerns

Despite the massive improvement, some concerns still linger. For instance, a constitutional reforms process has come to unstack with parliament failing to endorse the new draft constitution. The government had initiated the process in line with its electoral promise to rebuild the foundations for good governance and democracy in The Gambia.

Among the proposed innovations was a presidential term limit with retrospective effect for the incumbent, curbs on the powers of the Executive, a minimum of a bachelor’s degree for presidential candidates and political inclusion of marginalised groups (including women, youth and people with disabilities). It is a huge disappointment and a waste of two years of efforts that included broad consultations and enjoyed massive support.

A few attempts by the government to test the pulse of the media have ruffled more than a few feathers. In March 2019, the authorities introduced a new security screening for journalists seeking accreditation to cover the Presidency. The procedure, which involved appearing before the State Intelligence Service for scrutiny, was denounced as too intensive and liable to discriminatory use to favour or target certain journalists and media houses. After a strong backlash, the policy was withdrawn.

While this incident was interpreted as evidence that government would not spare the opportunity to suppress the media, others pointed to its withdrawal as a sign that the new Administration is responsive to the media’s concerns.

On January 26, 2020, there was a massive crackdown on demonstrators who were demanding the coalition government’s departure in line with its promise during the 2016 election campaign to stay in power for only three years. The constitution provides for a five-year term, but the demonstrators were holding the government to its campaign promise, after three years in power. Security forces arrested dozens of demonstrators, shut down three radio stations and arrested four journalists, including editors, throwing the country into a shock and reviving chilling memories of the Jammeh era.

The Gambia has a small and weak economy which translates into a tiny advertising market. This poses a major sustainability problem for the media which has been hard hit already by the COVID-19 pandemic.

There are also lingering concerns about the media laws. The Supreme Court’s 2018 ruling which decriminalised the spreading of false news online, left intact sections of the criminal code that penalise similar offences with fines and even prison terms.

The President of the GPU, Sheriff Bojang, fears the government can press the buttons of this repressive legal machinery whenever it likes.

“While we celebrate the gains in The Gambia as far Press freedom is concerned, we are disturbed and worried that some of the repressive media laws used by the Yahya Jammeh regime to imprison and harm journalists are still existing under President Barrow. As we get closer to the December presidential election, we are concerned that journalists might be targeted by the security forces as well as political party militants,” Bojang told the MFWA in a telephone interview back in July 2021.

The elections are just a week away and, fortunately, the campaigns have proceeded smoothly with the media allowed all the space to do its work. There have so far been no incidents of attacks on journalists and no major professional breaches by the media. The MFWA urges the media to maintain its professional posture in reporting issues and moderating the political debate to educate and inform the electorate.

Despite the gains made in the press freedom space, there is still some work to be done to put The Gambia on a strong democratic footing. We, therefore, urge the government that will emerge from the December 5, 2021 elections to carry on with the review of the media legal framework to eliminate all repressive elements. In particular, the new government must expunge the remnants of the Criminal Code that restrict press freedom and freedom of expression in The Gambia. We wish the people of The Gambia successful polls and a peaceful outcome.

AFEX Condemns the Killing of a Journalist, Demands a thorough Investigation and Justice

The African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) has learned with dismay, the killing of Abdiaziz Mohamed Guled of Radio Mogadishu in a suicide attack in the Somali capital. AFEX condemns the barbaric attack, which also injured two others, one of them a journalist, and demands a thorough investigation leading to the prosecution of the masterminds of this heinous crime.

It is public knowledge that the press and freedom of expression environment in Somalia have been strained by protracted conflicts. The country is lowly ranked in all press freedom indexes and is considered the most dangerous country for media personnel.

On November 20, Abdiaziz Mohamed Guled, a journalist and director of the public radio station, Radio Mogadishu, was killed in a vehicle that was targeted by a suicide bomber. The two others were Sharmake Mohamed Warsame, the director of Somali National TV and Abdukadir Abdullahi Nur, their driver.

The killing of Guled adds to a string of deadly attacks on journalists.  Six journalists were killed in 2019, and more than 50 since 2010, according to RSF.

AFEX’s records also indicate that as of November in 2021, at least twelve journalists have been killed in Africa, North Africa excluded.

In November, this number hits thirteen, including the killing of Murtala Mohamed on November 6, 2021. Mohamed was a journalist working for FAD FM, in Nigeria, and recently Guled in Somalia.

According to media sources, Guled is considered a brave man, and he is known for his frank and severe critic of the jihadist terrorist group that is present in East Africa and Yemen.

“He [Guled] always shone a big light on al-Shabab, may God rest his soul,” said one of the survivors of the attack, Nur Abdullahi.

The attack that killed Guled and injured his colleague Warsame, and several other people, was claimed by the terrorist group Al-Shabab.

According to Al-Jazeera’s report, “the mujahideen had been hunting Abdiaziz for a long time. He committed crimes against Islam, he was involved in the killing of mujahideen,” said Abdiasis Abu Musab, Al-Shabab military operation spokesperson, in a telephone interview with Reuters.

Journalists working in conflict zones, and volatile security environments on the continent have increasingly come under attack.

In April, two Spanish journalists, David Beriain and Roberto Fraile were killed when their convoy in the company of soldiers was attacked in the northern part of Burkina Faso by a terrorist group.

In Mali, Olivier Dubois, a freelance journalist that worked with several international media houses, was abducted by the terrorist group, Groupe de soutien à l’Islam et aux musulmans (GSIM), a local branch of al-Qaeda. He was kidnapped in Gao on April 8, 2021, while trying to get in touch with Iyad Ag Ghali, a Tuareg warlord turned Malian jihadist leader.

In other parts of the continent, in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, in the northern anglophone zone, part of Cameroon that is entangled in a secessionist conflict, the work of journalists is highly in danger.

Journalists are risking their life, striving to bring information to the public, and shed light on the abuse of human rights. Their life must be spared and protected, their safety and security must be of concern to public leaders, as well as parties in conflicts.

According to International humanitarian law, journalists working in armed conflicts zones should be protected as well as civilians. Therefore, attacks on journalists and the killing of Abdiaziz Mohamed Guled, and several others represent a grave violation of humanitarian law, press freedom, and freedom of expression.

AFEX, therefore calls on the Somalia authorities, to investigate the attack of the killing of Guled, and to bring the perpetrators of this violence before the rigor of the law.

Have ATI laws improved democratic governance and reduced corruption in West Africa? The evidence is humbling

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Two-thirds of countries in West Africa have adopted Access to Information (ATI) laws. These laws are supposed to remove barriers to public access to information, improve transparency and accountability in governance, and help reduce public sector corruption. But has the adoption of ATI laws by West African countries contributed to or resulted in improved democratic governance, transparency, accountability and reduced public sector corruption? Our Executive Director, Sulemana Braimah, explores this question and highlights what the MFWA is doing to promote public access to governance information in West Africa.

The adoption of Access to Information (ATI) laws represents a noteworthy milestone for transparency and accountability in governance. By extension, such laws are also significant for fighting public sector corruption. This is because ATI laws are regarded as sunshine laws that should ordinarily enable people to seek and receive information about various governance issues about how their resources are utilised by those in authority.

As observed by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), “the right to access information is an essential part of open government. It enables citizens to participate more fully in public life, it helps combat corruption and protects citizens’ rights.” The importance of ATI to democratic governance is, for example, highlighted in paragraph 3 of the preamble to Liberia’s Freedom of Information Act (2010), which acknowledges that “access to information is indispensable to genuine democracy and good governance.”

Given the great potential of ATI laws to improve governance, the passage of such laws is often considered a demonstration of some level of willingness on the part of state leaders to be more transparent and accountable to the people. This explains why the adoption of an ATI law by a country is often celebrated by governance and anti-corruption activists as a major boost for transparency and accountability.

At the moment, West Africa has the largest number of countries that have adopted Access to Information (ATI) laws in Africa compared to the other regional blocs on the continent. Ten out of the 15 ECOWAS member states have adopted laws that are supposed to remove barriers to public access to information and guarantee the fundamental rights of access to information held by public institutions.

Liberia and Guinea were the first in the region to adopt ATI laws in 2010. Nigeria and Niger followed in 2011, then Sierra Leone and Cote d’Ivoire in 2013. Burkina Faso and Togo adopted their laws in 2015 and 2016 respectively, while Ghana and The Gambia adopted their respective laws in 2019 and 2021 respectively.

But has the adoption of ATI laws by West African countries contributed to, or resulted in improvement in democratic governance, transparency, accountability and reduction in corruption? Unfortunately, the evidence so far does not reveal any positive impact of ATI laws on governance and anti-corruption in the region.

As far as governance is concerned, despite an impressive progress towards democratisation over the last two decades, West Africa is currently suffering from severe democratic turbulence characterised by an accelerated retrogression of the marginal democratic gains that had been made over the past two decades.

Citizens participation in governance and respect for fundamental rights to free expression and access to information are suffering from increasing and routine restrictions. In an article published by Freedom House, the authors highlight  West Africa as the region with the fastest decline in political rights and civil liberties in 2019, which the authors described as an “alarming development.”

In Freedom House’s Freedom of the World report for 2020, it notes that out of the countries that witnessed the largest year-on-year score declines around the world in 2019, five of them are in West African namely Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Nigeria. Of these five, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Nigeria have ATI laws.

After years of democratic rebuilding, Mali and Guinea are back to military rule. Cote d’Ivoire and Togo are saddled with third and fourth term governments respectively. In Benin, the National Assembly is monolithic and bereft of opposition party representation. This follows a hurriedly-passed law, which introduced new eligibility conditions that prevented opposition candidates from contesting the country’s 2019 Parliamentary elections.  Acts of repression and other autocratic tendencies have become prevalent in nearly all countries. Evidently, the region’s admired democratic progress is severely under manifest threat from multiple fronts.

While the adoption of ATI laws may have limited influence on the general democratic ethos of nations, it is believed that they do have a direct impact on improving the fight against corruption and enhancing accountability. However, despite having many countries with ATI laws, corruption remains perhaps the most virulent obstacle to development in West Africa.

As observed in a report by the Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU), corruption is still a major problem across West Africa. Indeed, the performance of West African countries as far as corruption is concerned, has remained below the global average.

Analysis of data from Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for the last few years, for example, does not show that countries that have adopted ATI laws in the region have experienced any significant improvement in their corruption scores. In fact, in several cases, the levels of corruption (per the TI’s CPI scores) gets worse in countries after the adoption of ATI laws. And no country with an ATI law in the region has ever scored up to the half mark of 50.

Liberia, for example, adopted its law in 2010. In 2012, when the law took full effect with all structures in place, the country’s CPI score was 41 out of 100 and that score has remained the country’s best performance since then. In 2013, the score dropped to 38. It further dropped to 37 for three consecutive years (2014, 2015, 2016). In 2017, there was a further drop to 31, then a point up the following year to 32. For 2019 and 2020, the score dropped again to 28 out of 100.

The case of Nigeria is not different. In 2012 ( a year after the adoption of the law), Nigeria’s CPI score was 27 out of 100. The following year, the score dropped to 25 and regained two points again back to 27 in 2014. In 2015, the score dropped to 26. In 2016 country gained two points scoring 28, which remains the country’s best score for the last ten years. In 2017 and 2018, the score was back to 27, with further drops in 2019 and 2020 to 26 and 25 respectively.

The pattern is the same for Sierra Leone, which adopted its law in 2013. In the year the law was adopted, the country’s score was 30 out of 100. There was a marginal improvement to 31 in 2014 and a drop back to 29 in 2015. For 2016, 2017 and 2018, the score stayed at 30 with marginal improvements in 2019 and 2020 when the score moved up to 33 in both years.

The case of post-ATI law CPI scores among francophone countries in West Africa is relatively better compared with those of the Anglophone countries. While many of the francophone countries score lower than their Anglophone peers, whereas the scores of anglophone countries tend to dip post the adoption of ATI law, francophone countries experience marginal improvements in scores post-adoption of ATI laws.

Cote d’Ivoire adopted its ATI law in 2013. In the year the law was adopted, the country’s score was 27 out of 100. The score jumped to 32 for both 2014 and 2015 and saw a further increase to 34 in 2016. In 2017, there was a further improvement in the score to 36 and a reduction by a point to 35 for both 2018 and 2019; and a point increase to 36 in 2020. Overall, the scores remain abysmal and the pattern is such that any marginal increments in scores cannot be attributed to the existence of ATI laws.

In the case of Guinea, in 2012 (two years after the adoption of ATI law), the country’s CPI score was 24 out of 100. The score was the same in 2013 and marginally increased to 25 in 2014 and 2015. It further increased to 27 in 2016 and 2017; with a further increase to 28 in 2018. In 2019, there was a further single point increase to 29 before dropping back to 28 in 2020. In this case, therefore, the scores for the various years did not dip below the base year score of 24. Despite what appears to be marginal increases, it is important to underscore the fact that the country has failed to score even 30% of the total possible score of 100.

In Niger, where an ATI law was adopted in 2011, the 2012 CPI score was 33. The score marginally appreciated in 2013 and 2014 to 34 and 35 respectively. In 2015 the score dropped back to 34 and increased to 35 again in 2016. In 2017, there was a drop to 33, picking up a point in 2018 to 34 before dropping to 32 for both 2019 and 2020.

Indeed, the performance of some other countries in the region that are yet to have ATI laws further highlights the lack of impact of ATI laws on levels of corruption or perceived corruption.

For example, despite not having an ATI law, Senegal has seen consistent improvement in its CPI score since 2012 and outperforms peers with ATI laws. In 2012, Senegal’s score was 36. The score jumped to 41 in 2013; 43 in 2014; 44 in 2015 and stagnated at 45 from 2016 to 2020.

In Ghana, the best performing years in the last decade in terms of the CPI scores, have been prior to the adoption of the country’s ATI law in 2019, which became operational in 2020. In 2012, 2013, 2014 and 2015, Ghana scored 45, 46, 48 and 47 respectively before dropping to 43 in 2016. However, in 2019 when the law was adopted and 2020 when it became operational, Ghana scored 41 and 43 respectively.

For now, the evidence suggests that while ATI laws have great potential for improving governance, the mere adoption of such laws is just necessary but not sufficient to guarantee good democratic governance, promote transparency and accountability, and reduce corruption.

What is critical is the effective application and compliance with the law after its adoption.

For an efficient implementation of ATI laws to happen, a number of conditions including the following six conditions are critical:

First, members of the public must understand the law; appreciate how it enables or enhances their right of access to information; and how they can assert that right to demand transparency and accountability in governance. This requires continuous capacity building, awareness creation and public education about the law and the opportunities it presents for enhancing governance transparency and accountability. It also requires support for members of the public, especially marginalised groups, to assert their right through the filing of requests and doing follow-ups on requests till information is accessed.

Second, public institutions that are information holders must understand the law and how its compliance helps to build public trust and confidence in governance. They need to also understand how compliance with the law engenders public support for government policies and programmes including the willingness among members of the public to fulfil their tax obligations.

Third, beyond understanding the law and the willingness to comply with the law, the necessary resources (financial, logistical and human) and right record keeping approaches must be in place to facilitate compliance with the law. For example, trained information officers must be in place; they must have the required logistics (computers and internet etc) to operate. Institutions also need to have the right filing, archiving and bureaucratic systems in place to facilitate easy access to records, and as much as possible, provide proactive disclosure of information.

Fourth, the implementing bodies (often an ATI Commission) mandated to promote the law and enforce compliance, must assert their independence from governmental control. Such bodies need to also engage with members of the public to boost public confidence as well as deal expeditiously with cases of appeal brought before it by members of the public. Such institutions need to be adequately resourced by the state to play their role.

Fifth, the Law Courts, which are often the last resort for enforcement of rights under the law, need to expeditiously deal with complaints filed before it and ensure that good judgements are given and are fully enforced. This requires capacity building for judges too.

Sixth, and perhaps more importantly, journalists and their media organisations must be at the forefront of contributing towards the attainment of the above five conditions. This, they can do through consistent public educations and awareness through routine programming and reporting on the law and developments around implementation.  Journalists should also be able to take advantage of the law to access vital pieces of information that are critical for their reporting, especially investigative reporting. This, however, requires that first of all, journalists and their editors have a good understanding of the law and appreciate its utility for the performance of their watchdog role.

On the basis of the foregoing, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is ramping up its work on Access to Information across the region through the following interventions:

  1. Improving the capacity of the media to lead in providing public education and awareness about ATI laws, their utility for members of public and how members of the public can assert their right of access to information under the law. So far, training programmes have been held for journalists in Ghana, Cote d’ Ivoire and Niger and a guidebook for journalists
  2. Empowering journalists through micro-grants to enable them utilise ATI laws for investigative reporting on transparency, accountability and anti-corruption issues. Such support include support for litigation in cases of information requests denials.
  3. Enhancing public access to information at the local levels by setting up local ATI citizens groups in partnership with local community groups; training them about the law and partnering them with local media for advocacy and utilisation of ATI laws to access information on governance issues at the local levels.
  4. Conducting routine research on constraints and barriers to public access to information and ways of removing such barriers to improve public access to governance information, to enhance citizens participation in governance and improve responsiveness by authorities.

Continuous engagement with authorities and other stakeholders (through public forums and advocacy publications on access to information.

MRA issues report accusing Buhari administration of breaking promise to ‘fully enforce FOI Act’

Media Rights Agenda (MRA) has launched a new report which examines measures, policies and actions of the President Muhammadu Buhari Administration to implement the Freedom of Information Act during the period that he has been in power. The report concludes that President Buhari has failed to fulfil the promises that his Government would fully enforce the Act and that government-held data sets would be published regularly under him.

Titled “A Promise Unkept: Report on the Implementation of the Freedom of Information Act, 2011 under the Buhari Administration”, the report, published in collaboration with the Africa Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) with support from the Canada-based International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX), castigated the Government for choosing to allow public institutions to disregard the Act with impunity, without even reprimanding them.

It said: “Most notable among such institutions is the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The NNPC, which is responsible for a substantial portion of Nigeria’s annual revenues, is under the direct supervision of the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and, therefore, under the direct supervision of President Buhari, who appointed himself and has served as Minister of Petroleum Resources since he took office as President in 2015. But he has apparently chosen to allow the NNPC to disregard the FOI Act with impunity, without so much as a reprimand.”

According to the report, in the 10 years since the FOI Act has been in existence, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, who signed it into Law, was president for just four years while President Muhammadu Buhari has held the mantle for over six years so far.

It recalled that during his electioneering campaigns in 2014, before he won the elections and assumed office as President for his first term, then Candidate Buhari promised to fully enforce the Freedom of Information Act so that government-held data sets can be requested and used by the public and pledged that such data sets would be published on regular basis.

In addition, the report said, the political party under whose banner President Buhari ran for office, the All-Progressives Congress (APC), also promised during the campaigns that in states where they have control, the administrations in those states would pass state versions of the FOI law if voted into office, noting that this promise has also not been kept.

It identified an entrenched culture of secrecy that still shrouds information about government activities as a major challenge confronting and frustrating the implementation of the Act, saying “This culture of secrecy not only alienates citizens from their government, it also undermines democratic values such as transparency, accountability and public participation.”

Noting that various stakeholders have different roles to play in ensuring the effective implementation of the FOI Act, it proposed various measures for improving implementation of the Act, including recommending that the National Assembly and the Executive, should amend or repeal laws and policies that are at variance with or hamper its effective implementation, particularly the Official Secrets Act, which public officials still cite to deny access to information.

The report called on the relevant committees of both chambers of the National Assembly to live up to their responsibilities of making enforcement of the Act effective by giving directions for its implementation and actively working with the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation while the National Assembly as a whole should ensure that necessary budgetary allocations are made for its effective implementation.

It urged the Federal Executive Council (FEC) to strengthen the implementation of the Act by instructing all public institutions, possibly through a memo issued by the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, to ensure the effective implementation of the Act and making it clear that its provisions take precedence where there is a conflict between it and the provisions of other instruments such as the Official Secrets Act, the Penal Code, the Criminal Code, and any other law that is not part of the constitution or does not have constitutional flavour.

The report stressed that “It is such a circular that can break the entrenched culture of secrecy in the civil service. Such a directive should also make it clear that public institutions which breach the provisions of the Act will be sanctioned by the Government.”

It recommended that beyond compiling, submitting and publishing the consolidated annual report of how the various public institutions are implementing the Act, the Attorney-General should also include in his report challenges that hinder its effective implementation and make recommendations for addressing them, which will give the National Assembly a sense of direction on what steps they can take to make the Act work.

Besides, the report said, the Attorney-General should take deliberate steps to sensitize public institutions and officials at all levels of government about the rights of the public to access information held by public institutions as well as ensure proper compliance systems in all public institutions.

One way of achieving this, it suggested, is by seeking the approval of the FEC or the National Assembly of an instrument with provisions for sanctioning public institutions which fail to comply with their FOI obligations.

It called on public institutions to digitize their records management systems to enhance the implementation of the Act, adding that they should take advantage of the advancements in technology and the Internet in receiving, processing and responding to requests for information as well as in fulfilling their proactive disclosure obligations, including using infographics to present and explain complex data to the public.

Click here to read the full report.

For further information, please contact:

Idowu Adewale (Mr.)
Communications Officer,
Media Rights Agenda
E-mail: [email protected]

IPC condemns the gruesome murder of OAP David Ekanem; calls for thorough investigation

The International Press Centre (IPC), Lagos – Nigeria condemns the reported gruesome murder of David Ekanem, popularly known as ‘Itiat Zion’, a member of staff at FAD FM, in Calabar, Cross River State.

A Newspot Nigeria report revealed that the late Ekanem who was the Efik language programme presenter for FAD FM, was stabbed and left to die by alleged hoodlums close to a popular hotel on the Murtala Mohammed highway on Saturday, November 6, 2021.

The cause of the alleged attack is unknown, but the radio station Ekanem worked with confirmed his death.

In a statement by the Executive Director, Mr. Lanre Arogundade, IPC said: “It is of serious concern that yet another journalist has been killed highlighting the fact that journalists and other media professionals continue to be endangered species in Nigeria as we stated on November 2 while marking the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes Against Journalists”

IPC, therefore, calls on the Police and other relevant security agencies to do their utmost to ensure that the killers of David Ekanem are apprehended and brought to justice.

Another torrid October as #EndSARS one year memorials trigger a repeat of repression

Exactly one year after security forces unleashed deadly violence on protesters, killing a dozen on October 2020, the police in Nigeria have struck again, this time against the press corps covering nationwide processions to commemorate one year of the brutally-quelled #EndSARS agitations. The original protests organised across Nigeria in October 2020 to demand the disbandment of the highly repressive Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Police, was met with a brutal crackdown at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, leaving at least 12  dead.

For the second year in succession, the month of October has turned out to be particularly repressive, with journalists bearing the brunt of a police crackdown on #EndSARS memorial processions across Nigeria on October 20, 2021.

statement issued by the International Press Centre (IPC), MFWA’s partner organisation in Nigeria, condemned the serial arrests, assaults and harassment of journalists covering the processions.

The IPC named Taiwo Okanlawon, a correspondent of PM News correspondent and the two-man crew of Arise TV, Adefemi Akinsanya and Ope Adenihun, as victims of physical assault by the police at the Lekki Toll Gate. The Arise TV crew was also censored by being ordered to pull down the drone they were using to cover the event. Taiwo Okanlawon was briefly detained by the police who said he had no identification as a member of the press.

Other victims of police abuse at the same venue included Abisola Alawode, a reporter for Legit.ng, an online news portal.

‘It is highly regrettable the security agencies continue to fail to recognise journalists as frontline workers during crisis situations”, Executive Director of IPC, Mr. Lanre Arogundade, said in the statement.

A report by Legit.ng said Abisola Alawode, described as a video journalist, was arrested by the police while he was doing a live video coverage of the procession. Backing its account with video evidence, the online newspaper reported that the police bundled its journalist into their vehicle, leaving him no time to produce his professional card as demanded. It quoted Alawode as complaining that he was beaten by the police in the van and that, as a result, he could not see properly with one of his eyes. The journalist was released after being detained for about five hours at the police station.

The Vanguard also reported BBC correspondent Ebere Ekeopara as narrating that the police in Enugu forced her and her cameraman to sit on the floor in the middle of the road after seizing their camera, microphone and other working equipment.

In Osogbo, capital of Osun State, the police barred a correspondent of The Punch Newspaper, Adebimpe Olajiga, from covering the protest.

The security agents also arrested, brutalised and arraigned Daily Post correspondent, Sikiru Obarayase. “Six policemen arrested me at Freedom Park on the instruction of Chief Superintendent of Police, Oyegbade Akinloye, the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) of Dugbe Division, the journalist told The Daily Post.

Obarayase said a police officer hit him with a gun butt when he was taken to the station and was subjected to further abuse at the station when he refused to sign a statement written by the police to indict him.

“Twelve policemen brutalised me during my stay at the station. They threatened to kill me if I chose not to cooperate with them,” narrated Obarayase, adding “I sustained an open wound on my knee, wrist, lost my earpod and some cash. I feel pains all over my body but I thank God I’m alive.”

The police hurriedly arraigned the journalist at the Osogbo Magistrate Court on the accusation of taking an unauthorised video of the DPO during the protest, under Sections 249(5) and 356 of the Criminal Code Cap 34. Laws of Osun State.

The charges were however dismissed and the case struck out by the presiding Magistrate, A. O. Daramola, after the accused pleaded not guilty.

The MFWA calls on the Nigerian authorities to investigate the attacks on the journalists covering the #EndSARS memorial protests and bring the perpetrators to book.

AFEX calls on military coup leaders to ensure the safety, protection of journalists, and keep the internet open and accessible at all times.

The African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX), urges the military junta in Sudan to release the manager of the state broadcaster, Maher Abugoukh, stop the attacks of their sympathizers against the media and journalists, and keep the internet open and accessible.

On October 25, the world witnessed a military coup in Sudan, the fourth on the continent this year. On the eve of the coup, some military officers raided the state radio and television broadcasting headquarters, in Khartoum, and arrested several media workers, after cutting off the broadcasting signal. The military men also arrested Maher Abugoukh, a manager of the Sudanese state broadcaster in his house. Abugoukh has since been detained in an unknown place. The reason for his arrest has also not been disclosed.

However, Abugoukh is known to be a fierce critic of military interventions and a staunch democrat. According to CPJ, Abugoukh recently criticized the military in a live television and radio show which was also published online.

Before the coup, on October 21, pro-military sympathizers assaulted at least four journalists, including, Ahmed Hamada, director of the privately-owned newspaper, Al-Dimuqrati. The military sympathizers also assaulted Hamadan, while he was covering a public demonstration in Khartoum.

On October 23, the supporters of the former President Omar al-Bashir stormed the headquarters of the private news agency Sudan News Agency (SUNA) and disrupted a press conference organised by a coalition of civil society groups.

During the assault, one journalist of SUNA, Al-Ahmadi Farah, was physically assaulted. As a result, he sustained severe injuries for which he received medical care.

On the same day, Marwan Negm el-Din, a journalist working with the Al-Jazeera, was prevented from covering the demonstration by supporters of the military. The hoodlums seized El-Dine’s phone while covering their demonstration.

During the military coup, there were reports of internet shutdown and disruption of social media platforms as part of attempts to frustrate pro-democracy demonstration and control of access to information.

In March, a failed military coup attempt was reported. This military coup adds to a string of military men taking over on the continent in 2021. On September 5, a group of military men in Guinea ousted the autocratic President Alpha Conde. In Mali, a military junta ousted President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita on August 18, 2020. The military came back on May 24 and arrested Bah Ndaw and Moctar Ouane, respectively, Transitional President and Prime Minister of Mali.  In Chad, a military takeover occurred in April 2021, following the killing of President Idriss Deby Itno by the rebels’ group.

Military taking over power come often with abuse of human rights, particularly attempts to clamp down on media and freedom of expression.  While this seems to have been not the case in the recent military takeovers in Guinea or Mali, in Sudan, several protesters were killed and others injured. Journalists have also borne the brunt of military brutalities.

AFEX condemns the series of attacks on media houses and journalists as a blatant attack on freedom of press and expression. We are of the view that diversity of views is important in nation-building and journalists and the media play a critical role in that regard. Resorting to attacks on freedom of expression smack of political frustrations, and undermines public legitimacy of any government that carry out violations or sanction such a fundamental human right.

In view of this, AFEX demands the immediate release of journalists and protestors who have been arrested and urges the authorities to investigate the killing and assaults meted to the protestors. We urge the military authorities to ensure the protection and safety of journalists and the media who are simply doing their work of disseminating public information.

AFEX demands governments to end impunity for crimes against journalists, consolidate rule of law, and democracy

Each year, the world gathers to accord special attention to November 2, as a day sets apart to raise global awareness and demand an end of impunity for crimes against journalists.

As the world gathers to discuss the critical issues of impunity for crimes against journalists on the rise in the face of deteriorating democratic regimes, the African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) network calls on governments in Africa, as a matter of urgency, to unravel mysteries around several incidents, cases of killings of journalists on the continent and bring the perpetrators to book.

For this year alone, from January to September, at least 11 journalists were killed on the continent and documented by AFEX.

These killings add up to several others perpetrated over the years on the continent, aside from hundreds of incidents of violations of press freedom and abuses against journalists. The violations range from physical assaults, arrest, and detention, seizure, and destruction of work equipment, to point out just a few among several categories of ill-treatments meted to the journalists who are simply doing their work of public information.

In Nigeria for instance, at least eight journalists have been killed since 2017 till date. The last incident of the killing took place in June this year. In Ibadan, the capital city of Oyo State in the southwestern part of Nigeria, unknown individuals gunned down Titus Eja Nla Badejo, a journalist working with Naija FM. The motives surrounding the killing of Badejo are yet to be revealed. There haven’t been any thorough and conclusive investigative reports to hold accountable the authors of this cold-blooded killing.

In Ghana, two years have passed since the murder of Ahmed Hussein Suale, a journalist working with the investigative journalist Anas Aremeyaw Anas. Suale was killed on January 16, 2019, in Accra by unknown gunmen. The report of the investigation is yet to be produced, and the masterminds of this crime are to be held accountable.

In Ethiopia, on May 9, 2021, two unidentified gunmen in Dembi Dollo, in the region of Oromia, killed Sisay Fida, a journalist working with Oromia Broadcasting Network. While Ethiopia, is entangled in the Tigray conflict, the safety and protection of journalists have been at high risk.

In Kenya, on April 7, 2021, Betty Mtekhele Barasa, a journalist working with Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), left behind her children and family. She was killed in cold blood before her family because of her work as a journalist. She left her children and husband to endure a life of emotional scares and trauma.  Up to now, there has not been any conclusive investigative report to serve justice to the journalist, and hold accountable the perpetrators of this crime against this female journalist.

The above cases are a few instances among several others on the continent. Parents, loved ones, and colleagues of the murdered journalists are still waiting for justice. As the saying goes, justice delayed is justice denied. And the denial of justice increasingly emboldens the perpetrators of crimes against journalists, bolsters potential murderers, and sends a worrying signal to the public that the public authorities are failing awfully to play their roles as the custodian of fundamental tenets of the democracy, which are among others, freedom and justice.

According to UNESCO, as of 2020, 13% of incidents of crimes against journalists reported by member states, were resolved through the judicial process till their conclusive end. This represented a slight improvement, compared to 12% in 2019 and 11% in 2018.

However, these successful court resolutions of crimes against the journalists represent a meager, observable part of the crime iceberg against journalists, a disturbing issue against freedom of press and expression.

If these crimes against journalists, continue and remain unraveled and their authors are not brought to face the consequences of the rigor of the law, it will deal a blow to the democratic system and rule of law.  Failure to serve justice for journalists murdered is the failure of the democratic system. It means the voiceless are defenseless, and any voices that rise to speak against the ills of the society may fear for their lives.

AFEX, therefore, calls on governments and the authorities on the continent to tackle the problem of crimes against journalists, by speeding up the investigations into these crimes and bringing the culprits of these crimes to justice to serve as a deterrent to any potential violators of press freedom.

Furthermore, AFEX demands that the authorities incorporate into the curricula of training of security apparatus and army, the important role of the media and journalists in a democratic society as promoters of the rule of law and transparency, accountability and good governance.

AFEX is also urging the media and journalists to put in place the necessary security measures and protocols, and develop more and more security awareness.

Ending impunity for crimes against journalists: MFWA deplores slow pace of progress

As the world marks the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists today, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) is calling governments and relevant state authorities across West Africa to take action to protect the rights and freedoms of journalists and to ensure redress for violations against media professionals.

The ideal environment for a thriving democracy is one where journalists operate in an environment where they do not only feel that their freedoms are guaranteed and their safety assured but are also empowered to effectively discharge their roles as watchdogs of society.

We have noted with great concern the growing fear and danger surrounding the work of journalists across the continent. Many journalists today report that they do not feel safe in the wake of attacks and threats to their lives.

Indeed, within the past five years, hundreds of journalists have been subjected to a wide range of violations including physical attacks, arrests and detentions, imprisonment, threats and even murders. A recent report jointly produced by the MFWA and the Nigeria Union of Journalists NUJ revealed that over 300 press freedom violations have been recorded in Nigeria over the past six years. The violations included the unresolved murders of seven journalists. One more journalist has since been killed.

Ghana, which has long been touted as a country with a culture of respect for press freedom and divergent opinion, has over the same period taken a turn for the worse. On January 16, 2019, an investigative journalist, Ahmed Suale, was murdered in cold blood with the perpetrators yet to be found. On 23 August 23, 2021, a British journalist, Syed Taalay Ahmed, was killed by armed robbers in Northern Ghana, where the 31-year-old was shooting a documentary for the London-based Muslim Television Ahmadiyya International (MTA). Though Taalay Ahmed was not targeted because of his work, it is sadly relevant that he was killed while he was carrying out his journalistic duties.

Across West Africa, four journalists have been killed in the course of this year, two of them foreign nationals attacked by rebels in Burkina Faso, a third foreign national was killed in the line of duty by armed robbers in Ghana while unknown assailants fatally gunned down a local journalist in Nigeria.

According to UNESCO, over the past decade, one journalist is murdered every four days with nine out of ten of the perpetrators going scot-free. In 2020, 62 journalists were killed globally. The almost absolute lack of redress or accountability for these violations and many others such as arbitrary detentions, physical assault and torture, threats and judicial harassment amounts to a near-total failure of national and global efforts to fight impunity for crimes against journalists.

 

Democratic reverses and their impact on the media

The reverses in press freedom witnessed in Nigeria and Ghana reflect a general trend of deteriorating press freedom environment in West Africa that mirrors the sub-region’s falling democratic standards. After the fall of the last two of its most obstinate dictators, Blaise Compaore (Burkina Faso) and Yahyah Jammeh (the Gambia), West Africa effectively rid itself of entrenched strongman-rule.

However, after subsequently earning itself international applause for its respect for Presidential term limits and its tradition of peaceful regime alternation through elections, West Africa now has two countries under military rule: Mali and Guinea. The political crises in Guinea and disputed election results in Guinea Bissau created a toxic environment for the media in the two countries. Northern Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have been racked by armed insurgencies which have created a highly insecure environment for journalists in the Sahel zones.

An armed group killed two foreign journalists in Burkina Faso recently. A newspaper editor Toure, disappeared in Mali in 2016 and is feared dead. In Niger, a number of journalists have been put in jail using a cyber-law that was enacted ostensibly to prevent online publications that could undermine the military’s counter-terrorism operations. Burkina Faso has a similar law that has effectively snuffed out any critical reporting on the rebellion.

Beninois journalist Ignace Sossou’s arrest and imprisonment typify the abusive use of anti-fake news laws by West African authorities to stifle critical online journalism. Sossou was imprisoned for a year after Benin’s Public Prosecutor accused him of misreporting him on Twitter. Despite presenting audio evidence that showed that the journalists did a faithful quoting part of the Prosecutor’s conference speech, the court sentenced him to 18 months in prison.

Positive developments

Across the West African region, a number of steps have been taken over the past few years to ensure that journalists get access to critical information, work in a safe environment and are less brutalized for their publications. In view of this, Sierra Leone decriminalized the libel law which was a deadly weapon against journalists whilst the Gambia, and Ghana passed RTI laws which gave journalists and other interested parties unprecedented access to public information.

As a media development organisation, the MFWA has and continues to organize a number of workshops and forums aimed at protecting journalists and ensuring that the press is not muzzled. Our work has generated a lot of impacts across the West African Region, some of which include the organization of forums and production of report on safety of journalists practices in media organisations in GhanaLiberia and Sierra LeoneWe have also trained some 210 journalists on safety of journalists practices in Ghana, Liberia, and Sierra Leone.

Given that the media needs public confidence in order to receive support it comes under attack, journalists must win this confidence through quality work that visibly contributes to development. In this regard, the MFWA monitored of close to 100 radio stations for ethical infractions, use of hate speech, and other incendiary expressions before, during, and after elections in Ghana and Niger. The check on possible excesses contributed to relatively successful in elections in these two countries, despite a few post-election skirmishes.

Recommendations

In all, the safety of journalists’ situation in the region remains dismal and disturbing. The situation requires the efforts of all stakeholders to bring a positive change. To this end, and in line with the theme, for this year’s celebration, the MFWA urges:

  • The prosecutorial services (the police, intelligence service, public prosecutors and the courts) to learn to appreciate the important role of the media and treat attacks on journalists with the seriousness that they deserve.

  • The courts to hand down sentences that are deterrent enough and award compensations which are commensurate with the severity of the injury suffered and the legal costs incurred.

  • State institutions to collaborate with journalists as partners in development and in order to build stronger systems that guarantee both individual and media freedoms that are key ingredients in nation building.

  • Media managers to have in place efficient safety practices and protocols, provide safety training and appropriate safety tools and equipment for their journalists.

  • Journalists and their employers to report attacks to the police and ensure a follow-through until justice is served.

Mozambique should account for missing journalist Ibraimo Mbaruco

Statement on International Day to Ending Crimes of Impunity against Journalists.

As the world commemorates the International Day to Ending Crimes of Impunity against Journalists, MISA urges the authorities in Mozambique to account for the whereabouts of journalist Ibraimo Mbaruco.

Mbaruco has been missing since April 2020.

This is very worrying because of the chilling similarities of his unknown fate with that of Tanzanian journalist, Azory Gwanda, who disappeared in mysterious circumstances in November 2017.

The Tanzanian government only reported him as dead in 2019.

Gwanda was investigating a spate of high profile killings in the Rufiji area when he went missing.

It is, therefore, inexplicable, given the state machinery at the disposal of the Mozambican government, that a human being, let alone a journalist, can just vanish from the face of the earth, leaving his traumatised family in the dark as to what could have happened.

The seemingly lackadaisical, if not offhand manner, with which the Mozambican government is handling this serious matter, is disconcerting and raises unnecessary speculation and conspiracies on who was involved in Mbaruco’s disappearance.

Throughout the world, it is the State’s responsibility to ensure the safety and security of its citizens, including journalists.

Mbaruco’s last known message was that he was surrounded by soldiers.

His fate is not a matter that should easily be swept beneath the carpet but deserves the serious attention of the Mozambican government for the knowledge and peace of his family and colleagues.

Allowing the perpetrators to go unpunished will spawn and perpetuate a culture of impunity that poses great risk to the work of journalists whose profession is at the core of accountable governance, respect for fundamental human rights and socio-economic development.

Our concerns come at a time when the southern African region is experiencing unprecedented upsurges in media freedom violations in member countries previously envied as paragons of media freedom.

For instance, a South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) crew was allegedly held against their will and threatened by African National Congress (ANC) supporters in Buffelshoek, Bushuckridge in Mpumalanga on October 21, 2021.

The news crew had to be rescued by the police.

According to the SABC news website, the ANC supporters, numbering about 20, threatened to burn the broadcaster’s vehicle and take the crew’s equipment.

At least four community radio stations were vandalised, with equipment worth tens of thousands of United States dollars destroyed during protests in South Africa following the incarceration of that country’s former president Jacob Zuma.

The radio stations that fell victim to the protesters are Alex FM, in Alexandra, north of Johannesburg, Mams Radio, In Mamelodi, northeast of Pretoria, West Side FM, in Kagiso, west of Johannesburg and Intokozo FM, in Durban.

In Malawi, a group of 10 Malawi police officers on January 22, 2021, allegedly assaulted an investigative journalist, Henry Mhango, while he was reporting on compliance with COVID-19 regulations.

Nine journalists were on September 30, 2021, arrested by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police while at the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) offices in Harare.

The journalists, Leopold Munhende, Thomas Madhuku, Nyashadzashe Ndoro, Robert Tapfumaneyi, Marshal Bwanya, Gaddaffi Wells, Adrian Matutu, Tongai Mwenje, and Tinashe Muringai, had gone to ZEC offices to cover a demonstration by members of the opposition MDC Alliance.

The journalists were taken to Harare Central Police Station before being released without charge, following the intervention of lawyer Chris Mhike.

MISA urges other SADC governments to take a leaf from the action of the Zambian Information and Broadcasting Services permanent secretary, Amos Malupenga, in his quest to safeguard media freedom and the rights of journalists.

Malupenga marched to the police headquarters in Lusaka on March 12, 2021, demanding that law enforcement agents do more to protect journalists who were facing increased attacks and harassment.

As highlighted by UNESCO, impunity for crimes against journalists damages societies by covering serious human rights abuses, corruption and crime.

We, therefore, urge authorities to investigate crimes committed against journalists on duty and prosecute the perpetrators, as this will send clear messages that society does not tolerate attacks against the media.

As has been pointed out, impunity damages whole societies by covering up serious human rights abuses, corruption, and crime.

The media is at the core of citizens’ right to free expression and accountable governance.

Golden Maunganidze
MISA Regional Chairperson

Tanzania: Cartoonist arrested for insulting president

Tanzanian authorities have arrested a cartoonist over a cartoon that insinuated that President Samia Suluhu Hassan was being handheld by Jakaya Kikwete, a former president of that country.

Optatus Fwema was arrested on 24 September 2021 and is still in detention, a worrying sign that media freedoms remain restricted under President Hassan as they were under her predecessor,  the late John Magufuli.

The cartoon, which was published on social media, shows President Hassan as a girl playing with a basin of water. Behind her, Kikwete, who is regarded as her mentor, is seen reassuring the population.

The cartoon illustrated Kikwete’s current influential role in Tanzanian politics, Reporters without Borders (RSF) reported.

As of October 11, Fwema, who is held at Oysterbay police station in Dar es Salaam, had not been charged for more than two weeks, although he is now expected to be brought before the courts.

Under Tanzanian laws, anyone who is arrested is supposed to be brought to court within 48 hours.

MISA Tanzania raised the alarm that Fwema had been detained for long without appearing in court saying the cartoonist’s rights had been infringed.

“By being held under police custody for more than 48 hours, his human rights have been violated,” MISA Tanzania said.

“The whole situation since the arrest at his home and detention by the police raises concern in the way it was handled. We are worried if he will get a free trial.”

MISA’s position

When President Hassan came into power, she promised that the media would be less restricted, but she has since been showing a propensity for being averse to criticism.

Political leaders should not resort to insult laws when criticised by the media and the public. Insult laws have no place in modern democracies and are a sign of authoritarianism.

Tanzania had the perfect opportunity to change its path, in terms of its media freedom environment, when President Hassan came into power.  However, this seems to have been a false dawn, as a number of media outlets have been shut under her watch.

MISA calls on the government of Tanzania to immediately drop the charges against the cartoonist and ensure his safety upon his release.

11 journalists killed in Africa in less than nine months, AFEX demands a tough response from governments to end the impunity

For the past 273 days spanning January-September 2021, eleven journalists have been killed across sub-Sahara Africa in an orgy of repression that has scores of other acts of violation against press freedom.

Aside from the killings of journalists, there have also been incidents of physical attacks, illegal arrests and detentions, including legal harassment and persecution of journalists.

These assaults were perpetrated by unknown individuals, terrorists and security forces across eight countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Also, in countries confronted with insurgency, the safety of journalists has been highly at risk as a result of threats posed by terrorists and state security forces.

In the West Africa region, Nigeria and Burkina Faso have made the headlines regarding the killings of journalists; a local journalist and two foreign journalists respectively.

Accorded less publicity but equally disturbing was the killing, in the evening of August 23, 2021, in Ghana and in the line of duty, of British journalist, Syed Taalay Ahmed, 31, who was working for London-based Muslim Television Ahmadiyya International (MTA).

Ahmed was in Ghana working on a documentary when his car was ambushed by armed men who stole his money and mobile phones near the town of Tamale. The journalist was pronounced dead on arrival at the hospital.

In Ibadan, the capital city of Oyo State in the southwestern part of Nigeria, on June 19, unknown individuals gunned down Titus Eja Nla Badejo, a journalist working with Naija FM. The assailants ordered Titus who was leaving a nightclub with some friends in his car, to get down. After shooting him at close range, the assailants left without taking any property nor attacking any of the journalist’s friends. While this suggests a targeted attack, the killing of Titus adds to a tall list of incidents of attacks, and assassination of journalists in Nigeria. For instance, from 2017 to 2020, Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), documented seven incidents of killing of journalists in Nigeria.

The Nigerian authorities have so far not come up with any findings on investigations into any of these killings, with the culprits yet to be arrested or prosecuted according to the law.

On April 26, a terrorist group in Burkina Faso attacked and killed members of a convoy, including David Berian and Roberto Fraile, both Spanish journalists. The journalists were heading towards Pama national park near the border with Mali to shoot a documentary.

In the eastern region of Africa, Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia also recorded killing of journalists.

The Tigray conflict has heightened the incidents of arrests and detention, including harassment of journalists reporting on the abuses of human rights related to conflicts in Ethiopia.

On May 9, Sisay Fida, a journalist working for the regional government of Oromia in Ethiopia, was reported shot by two unidentified gunmen. It is however not clear why the journalist was killed, and who is the mastermind of this crime. There were allegations that Fida was murdered by a hit-squad of the Oromia Liberation Army armed group. Others alleged that the journalist was killed by the authorities of the Federal government of Ethiopia.  However, according to CPJ, two suspects were identified by the police, but as of now, there has been no report of thorough investigations.

Five months preceding the killing of Fida, one other journalist had been killed. On January 19, 2021, Dawit Kebede Araya, a journalist working with the state-owned media, Tigray TV, was killed reportedly by government security forces. Araya was returning home in Mekelle, the capital town of Tigray state when he was gunned down. One of his friends was also killed, while two people in the car disappeared.

In Somalia, on March 1, 2021, Jamal Farah Adan, was reported killed by two unidentified gunmen. Farah Adan is a broadcast journalist in Galkayo, central Somalia. He used to report on political issues on social media platforms and contributed to programmes on local radio stations Radio DaljirRadio Galkayo, and Radio Garowe. Before his killing, he stated on Facebook that he was receiving threats from the Al-Shabaab militant group. The killing of the journalist was subsequently claimed by the terrorist group.

Still in the Eastern Region of Africa, on April 7, 2021, Betty Mtekhele Barasa was killed by three assailants who raided her house and assaulted members of her family. Barasa was working with the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC), in Nairobi, the capital city of Kenya.  The murderers also took away the journalists’ laptops and mobile phones, an indication that her killing could be linked to her journalist’s work.

In the Central Africa region, three incidents of killing of journalists were documented by Journalist en Danger (JED), a member of the AFEX network based in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the space of four months.

On August 7, Heritier Magayane, a journalist working with the state-owned Radio-Television Nationale Congolaise (RTNC) in the city of Rutshunu, in the region of North-Kivu, was murdered by unknown assailants. Before the 26-year-old journalist and father of two met his untimely death, he used to promote peace in the conflict-torn region of DRC, through the radio platform. The murderer took away Magayane’s phone. The authorities are yet to investigate this heinous crime against the journalist and bring the perpetrators to book.

Seven days later on August 14, another journalist of the same radio station of RTNC, Joël Musavuli Mumbere was murdered in his house, in Rutshuru. His wife was killed alongside. Musavuli and his wife were killed by unknown persons wielding machetes. According to UNESCO, the journalist had over the years been receiving threats for his media reportage on human rights issues and the Ebola virus.

Barely one week after the world celebrated Press Freedom Day, on May 9, Barthelemy Kubanabandu Changamuka, a journalist working with the Kitshanga Community Radio (CORAKI FM), was attacked in his house by two unidentified gunmen. The assailant shot him at point-blank range, eight times. It is not yet clear what could have led to the assassination of the journalist. After the outrageous crime, the assailants made away with the journalist’s mobile phone. Another indication suggesting that Changamuka was probably targeted for his work as a host of the radio programme titled ‘’Food Security’’ on CORAKI FM.

The killing of journalists in DRC is appalling, looking at the total impunity surrounding crimes against journalists in the country. The last three deaths of journalists in the country, add to 14 other assassinations, bringing it to 17 journalists killed over the last two years.

”The spate of violence, particularly the murder of journalists across the continent is sending a chilling signal that freedom of press and expression are at unprecedented high risk and in danger because of the total impunity that goes with these crimes. If these crimes are left without resolving them and bringing the culprits before the court, the work of public information is seriously in danger ”, said Edetaen Ojo, the chairperson of AFEX.

The African Freedom of Expression Exchange (AFEX) is appalled by the continuing silence of state authorities over crimes against journalists and demands governments to take swift actions to fight the worrying trend of crimes against journalists by investigating thoroughly these crimes and bring the culprits before the law.

The continuing impunity for these crimes is a threat to the public right to information, stifles public debate and undermines citizens’ ability to participate in governance, thus putting the very foundation of democratic governance at risk.

AFEX also urges media managers to put in place safety and security measures to ensure the protection of their staff at all times, particularly for those reporting in conflict zones and volatile security environments. We demand journalists to be mindful of their security at all times while reporting and mingling with the public.